USA: “We Are the 99%”

They mock the fact that the movement has not agreed upon specific
policy changes for the ruling political parties to act upon. Those that
do give credit to the protesters for “raising awareness” of the
country’s problems proceed to urge them to leave the real decisions to
“the big boys” in the think-tanks and halls of power. But few want to
touch on the real heart of the matter: what are the fundamental reasons
for the movement? Why here? Why now?

Why the protests?

Simply put, the movement is an expression of precisely the same
frustrations that led to the Arab Spring. Sure, many commentators
acknowledge that the Wall Street protesters were “inspired” by the
events in Tahrir Square. But they skirt around the fact that from Cairo
to Wall Street, the protesters are above all “inspired” by the same
thing: the grim reality of life under capitalism at the beginning of the
21st century.

Aside from debt, unemployment, inequality, and poverty in a world of
plenty, the post-9/11 generation has little to look forward to. For the
youth in particular, the present is increasingly unbearable, and the
only thing certain about the future is that tomorrow is sure to be even
more bleak than today. In short, the protests have less to do with this
or that specific grievance, and everything to do with the crisis of the
capitalist system.

Marxists are not economic determinists. We understand that the
ideological, cultural, and political superstructure can play a big role
in shaping the economic foundations of society. But in the final
analysis, it is the economic base that defines the basic parameters
within which society operates. Before the advent of computers and the
development of the technology to produce rockets, a trip to the moon was
nothing more than an abstract possibility.

In other words, the economic infrastructure of society ultimately
determines what is possible in society. The crisis of capitalism means
that there are far fewer possibilities for the majority of humanity; at
least as long as that system remains in place.

Whether we are all consciously aware of it or not, we are all
affected by the conditions that surround us. At root, our ideologies and
struggles are a reflection and expression of the shifts in the economic
foundations of society. An epoch of economic crisis inevitably leads to
an epoch of social and political crisis, although this is never a
linear, black-and-white, easy to define process.

“Just the facts, ma’am”

September 18, Occupy Wall StreetBut
don’t take our word for it. The facts and figures speak for themselves.
Here are just a few reasons why thousands have occupied Wall Street and
hundreds of other cities around the U.S.:

In 2010 there were fewer jobs and they paid less, except at the very
top. The median paycheck fell again in 2010, down 1.2 percent to
$26,364. That works out at $507 a week, the lowest level, after
adjusting for inflation, since 1999. At the same time, those making more
than $1 million increased by 20 percent as compared to 2009. Source.

The number of Americans working any sort of job fell again in 2010,
down by more than a half million from 2009 to less than 150.4
million—less than half the total population of the country. More
significantly, the number of people with any work has fallen by 5.2
million since 2007, when the worst recession since the Great Depression
began, with a massive taxpayer bailout of Wall Street following in late
2008. This means 3.3 percent of people who had a job in 2007, or one in
every 30, went all of 2010 without earning a dollar. Source.

In addition to the 5.2 million people who no longer have any work add
roughly 4.5 million people who, due to population growth, would
normally join the workforce in three years and you have close to 10
million workers who did not find even an hour of paid work in 2010. Source.

Teenage unemployment (those between 16 and 19 years of age) stands at
nearly 25%. For white teens it is 20.9%; 20.2% for Latinos; and an
incredible 44.8% for blacks. Read more about teenage unemployment here and about the racial divide when it comes to employment here.

At the same time, non-financial companies are sitting on more than $2
trillion of cash—nearly $7,000 per American—with no place to invest it
profitably. This money cannot even be invested to earn the rate of
inflation. Source.

Click here for an interesting series of charts that further illustrate the real state of unemployment and inequality in this country.

Here is another very interesting chart
put together by the Economic Policy Institute that shows that since the
early 1980s, most of the country’s wealth gains have gone to the top
10% of the population.

The above figures give a crystal clear picture as to the “why” of the
movement. No wonder Americans are dissatisfied with the present and
pessimistic about the future! No wonder so many young people have
decided that enough is enough!

Who are the 99%?

The slogan “we are the 99%” is an expression of the fact that the
interests of the vast majority are not represented in politics and the
economy. It reflects an instinctive understanding that the real wealth
and power of society are concentrated in very few hands.

Héctor R. Cordero-Guzmán, Ph.D. has produced an interesting study based on responses to a survey on occupywallst.org.
As he explains, the survey “suggests that there is a huge undercurrent
of mainstream dissatisfaction with traditional political party
affiliations as well a huge amount of support for radical change in the
United States of America.” Here are a few highlights:

• 92.5% of respondents either somewhat or strongly supported the
  protests with most respondents indicating strong support. 1/4th of the
  sample (or 24.2%) participated in the Occupy Wall Street protests as of
  October 5, 2011. 91.8% of the sample thinks that the Occupy Wall Street
  Protests will continue to grow.
• 64.2% of respondents were younger than 34 years of age. While the
  sample is relatively young, one in three respondents is older than 35
  and one in five respondents is 45 and older.
• 7.9% of respondents have a high school degree or less. A whopping
  92.1% of the sample has some college, a college degree, or a graduate
  degree. 27.4% have some college (but no degree), 35% have a college
  degree, 8.2% have some graduate school (but no degree), and close to
  21.5% have a graduate school degree. 26.7% of respondents were enrolled
  in school and 73.3% were not enrolled in school.
• 50.4% were employed full-time and an additional 20.4% were employed part-time. 13.1% of the sample are unemployed.
• 47.5% of the sample earns less than $24,999 dollars a year and
  another quarter (24%) earn between $25,000 and $49,999 per year. 71.5%
  of the sample earns less than $50,000 per year. 15.4% of the sample
  earned between $50,000 and $74,999.
• 27.3% of respondents considered themselves Democrats, another 2.4%
  said they were Republican. A very large proportion of the sample, close
  to 70.3%, considered themselves Independents.

So while the movement has drawn in all kinds of people from many
walks of life, it is predominantly young, highly educated, and
overwhelmingly dissatisfied with the current political parties. Burdened
by debt and unemployment and with few prospects for a better future,
they are willing to fight to change things for the better. The parallels
with Tunisia, Egypt, Greece, Spain and beyond are self-evident.

Crisis delayed

For the last 30 or so years, with a few notable exceptions, the class
struggle seemed off the agenda in the U.S. In fact, for nearly the
entire post-World War II period, the idea that conditions of life would
continue to improve from one generation to the next received a powerful
impetus from experience itself.

After World War II, U.S. capitalism received a new lease of life. Its
natural resources, population, and productive capabilities were
virtually intact. It proceeded to profit handsomely from the
reconstruction of Europe and Japan after the catastrophic destruction of
the war. New and improved technologies such as plastics and computers
allowed for new fields of expansion and development. The U.S. was the
world’s largest creditor nation and had the majority of the world’s gold
reserves in its vaults.

The carving out of new global “spheres of influence” in conjunction
with Stalinist Russia led to a certain political and economic stability
for a period of decades. The material basis for the “American Dream” was
built on all of this. A job, a house, a car, and a college education
were now available to millions more Americans. The capitalists continued
to rake in the profits, but the masses were allowed to have a few juicy
bites from the table.

Despite the growing disparity in relative wealth, things actually did
get better for millions of Americans, at least in terms of absolute
wealth. That is to say, the portion of the surplus wealth that went to
the rich grew far faster than the portion that went toward the wages and
benefits of the workers, but at least many workers could afford more
consumer goods and even buy a fishing boat or take a vacation now and
then.

The collapse of the USSR opened up vast new territories to capitalist
exploitation, giving the system yet another temporary boost. The
tremendous increases in productivity made possible by robotics and the
information technology revolution allowed for even greater exploitation
of the workers and windfall profits for the ruling class. China and
India also threw open their doors to capitalist investment, extending
the reach of the market even further. The massive expansion of credit
and rising house prices gave a further—albeit temporary and
artificial—boost to the system. But eventually, all of that was tapped
out, and the factors that led to the economic expansion turned into
their opposite.

Conditions and consciousness

Assembly, 6 OctoberGood
economic times give rise to optimistic outlooks on the future. Periods
of crisis have just the opposite effect. For a whole historical epoch,
capitalism seemed to have overcome its contradictions and was
successfully delivering the goods to a significant layer of the
population. This naturally led to a relative dampening of the class
struggle. But that has all ended now. Long gone is the optimistic
confidence of the years immediately after World War II. Long gone is the
idea that the “American way of life” is here to stay and a model for
all the world. U.S. capitalism is a system in decline, and this is
inevitably reflected in the morale of the American people.

Instead of the exciting space race to the moon, NASA is being cut and
privatized. Instead of full employment there is massive unemployment.
Instead of efficiently churning out scientists and doctors to search for
a cure for cancer, an education means a lifetime of debt and no
guarantee of a job. Instead of a “kinder, gentler” society for all, the
prisons are overflowing. Instead of absorbing the world’s “tired, poor,
huddled masses,” immigrant unemployment and deportations are at record
levels. Instead of rising wages and a guaranteed pension, there has been
a collapse in real wages over the last 30 years, and a comfortable
retirement is a pipe dream for millions.

The crisis of capitalism, which shook the system to its foundations
in the 1930s, was partially overcome due to a unique concatenation of
factors, some of which are outlined above. However, those factors cannot
be reproduced, and as night follows day, open battles of the class
struggle are firmly back on the agenda.

Like lighting from a clear blue sky?

Many were taken completely by surprise by the movement. But to anyone
paying attention to the economy and to the growing mood of discontent,
it was clear that something big was simmering beneath the surface. After
all, the recent period has not been entirely calm. Other movements
preceded the Wall Street occupation. The 1999 anti-WTO protests were a
harbinger of the present movement. But September 11, the Patriot Act,
and the “war on terror,” drove it underground, where it simmered for
another decade before inevitably bursting to the surface again, this
time on a higher and more broadly supported scale. Much energy also went
into protesting the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and against George W.
Bush and Dick Cheney’s policies in general. And in 2006, as the system
was beginning to seize up, it was the immigrant workers who bore the
early brunt of the crisis and came out massively on the streets to fight
for their rights.

When the crisis first struck directly in 2008, there were spontaneous rallies in lower Manhattan. Our leaflet titled “Capitalism has Failed”
was well-received on Wall Street itself. The Republic Windows and Doors
factory in Chicago was occupied by the workers. Anti-bailout protests
took place in New York and around the country. But the effects of the
crisis came as a major shock. Offered no way forward by the union
leadership, the workers had their heads down as the economy hemorrhaged
hundreds of thousands of jobs every month. But the 2008 elections cut
across all of this. Obama’s campaign offered Americans the hope of
"change they could believe in" through a simple vote at the ballot box.

As the effects of the crisis trickled down to the states, there were
important student movements, above all in California. Public sector
workers were increasingly the target of cuts and austerity, with
important mobilizations by teachers in states like New Jersey. Then, on
the heels of Mubarak’s fall in Egypt, Governor “Hosni” Walker’s attacks
on public sector workers in Wisconsin sparked an inspiring fight back on
a scale not seen in decades.

Now it is the un- and under-employed youth who are at the forefront,
occupying plazas and calling attention to the role of the banks in
bringing about—and profiting from—the economic crisis. But it is still
only the beginning of the beginning. As the Marxists have consistently
explained, the youth are an important "barometer" for the pressure
building up within society, and an indication of far bigger things to
come.

Fighting against the “new normality”

The emergence of the #occupy movement entirely confirms the
perspectives of the Marxists. We explained that even in the “belly of
the beast,” the workers and youth would eventually be forced to fight
back. We explained that this is the "new normality" of capitalism. There
will be no return to the mythical “good old days.” There will be no
alternative but to struggle.

Some will still complain that the intended target of the pent-up rage
is not as focused as, for example, the struggle to topple Mubarak. It
is true that the movement in Egypt was initially united by the
relentless desire to rid the country of a hated dictator. However, as
the Egyptian revolution has continued, the deep class divisions in
society are increasingly coming to the fore. A similar process will
unfold in the U.S. in the coming months, years and decades. The “school
of hard knocks” that is life under capitalism will provide plenty of
clarity.

At present the movement contains everyone from reformists to
revolutionaries, and everything in between. A lack of clarity and
heterogeneity is normal and natural at this stage of the revival of the
fight back against capitalism. One thing is clear: the protesters may
not be entirely sure about what they are for, but they are quite certain
about what they are against!

It is the duty of the Marxists to fight shoulder to shoulder
with the movement and to patiently explain the ideas of revolutionary
Marxism. “Socialism” is no longer the “dirty word” it used to be.
Thousands of young people are excited by these ideas and are eager to
learn more. And although many are understandably turned off by electoral
politics, the idea of a mass labor party based on the unions and armed
with a socialist program is connecting broadly in discussions with
#occupiers around the country.

The movement has broad support: make the rich pay!

The
media can scoff at the movement all it wants. But they cannot avoid
reporting on it. Whether they are for or against it, every American
knows that there are some among them who are so fed up with the status
quo that they are camped out in Zuccotti Park to protest against
corporate greed, unemployment, and inequality.

There are literally millions of Americans who sympathize with them
and are watching events unfold. Despite the bally-hoo about a lack of
clear demands, a recent poll shows that 67 percent of New York City voters agree with the demonstrations. Maurice Carroll, director of theQuinnipiac University Polling Institute,
explains that “seven out of 10 New Yorkers say they understand and most
agree with the anti-Wall Street views of the protesters.”

Furthermore, 72 percent of New Yorkers statewide favor a
“Millionaire’s Tax” in order to increase taxes for those who earn more
than $1 million a year. According to the poll, released bySiena College,
the tax has the support of 83 percent of Democrats, 70 percent of
independents, and even 55 percent of Republicans. A similar survey
conducted byDaily Kos shows that nearly 75 percent of the entire country also supports such a tax.

The U.S. is the wealthiest country on earth. It has vast natural
resources and a huge, skilled, and productive workforce. And yet, the
government is cutting vital social programs and claiming there is not
“enough money” to go around. Americans instinctively understand that
this is simply not the case. There is more than enough wealth in this
country to fund and expand social programs, provide universal health
care and education, and to create quality jobs for all. There is just
one small detail: the bulk of the wealth is concentrated in the hands of
several hundred individuals and corporations.

A study by the National Priorities Project has calculated that tax cuts for the wealthiest 5 percent cost the U.S. Treasury an incredible $11.6 millionevery hour of every day.
No wonder so many Americans are in favor of taxing the rich! Of course,
a modest tax on the wealthiest Americans would in and of itself do
little to infringe upon the real wealth and power of the capitalists.
But even this modest reform is resisted tooth and nail by the ruling
elite. Not only would this mean fewer profits for them, but it could
also set a dangerous precedent. Making the rich pay higher taxes could
open the flood gates for making the rich pay in other ways. For example:
aggressive progressive taxation, trial and imprisonment for fraud and
corruption, and expropriation of the key levers of the economy if the
capitalists cannot put them to use in the interests of the majority.
This is why we say: make the rich pay!

Another poll, this one by Time magazine,
showed the following: 54% of Americans have a favorable view of the
#occupy movement, 79% think the gap between rich and poor has grown too
large, 71% think CEOs of financial institutions should be prosecuted,
68% think the rich should pay more taxes, only 27% have a favorable view
of the Tea Party movement.

In short, the protests have broad support as they express the
deep-seated frustrations of the majority of Americans. The occupations
have already dramatically changed the political dialogue and mood in the
country and mark a new stage in the changing consciousness of the
American working class and youth. Filmmaker Michael Moore—another
“sensitive barometer” of the moods in American society—summed up his
views in a recent appearance on BBC Newsnight by saying that "capitalism
has to be ended.” We couldn’t agree more!

What next?

The #occupy movement, if it becomes generalized, represents a mortal
threat to the interests of the capitalists that control this country and
the world. This is why the media is attempting to throw dust in the
eyes of those following the movement, to divert people’s attention from
the root cause of the crisis and the discontent. They may succeed in
confusing people for a time. But all the media manipulation in the world
cannot change the fact that capitalism only works for a tiny minority.

So far the movement does not have a clear political expression. But
this can and will change. The laws on the books favor the 1%. In order
to change this, we need politicians and parties that represent the
majority.

Although they are the party in power, the Democrats are working hard
to co-opt the movement, to turn the rage against the rich to their
advantage. They hope to energize their party’s base in the run up to the
2012 elections. But many of those camped out already tried that route
and are protesting precisely because change did not come by voting in
Obama and the Democrats. In fact, things only got worse. So who are they
to vote for if not one of the “greater” or “lesser” evils?

The labor leaders could cut across the confusion by offering a bold alternative. They must take the initiative to help spread the movement
to every factory, workplace, school, and neighborhood. They could
change the dynamic of the movement and of the entire country if they
changed their present course of collaboration with the bosses on the
shop floor and partnership with the anti-worker Democratic Party at the
ballot box.

The labor movement has the power and resources
to mobilize millions of union and non-union workers to fight back on
the streets and in the workplace. It has the infrastructure and numbers
to break completely with the Democrats and build a mass labor party, not
as a “third” party, but as a contender for political power. Ultimately,
it has the power to prepare for and successfully launch a nationwide
general strike. This is the way to really shut down Wall Street and
"business as usual” in Washington!

Great events shape consciousness like nothing else. What we are
witnessing is a classic example of what Leon Trotsky called the
“molecular process of revolution.” The simmering discontent is reaching
new layers of society. Others will follow. At some point in the
not-too-distant future, wave after wave of workers will join the fight
back. This will dramatically change the character of the movement, the
methods of struggle, and the content of the demands. The entry of the
working class will put its stamp on the movement and will mark a new
stage in the preparations for the American socialist revolution. The
participation of thousands of unionized workers on Wall Street is an
indication of things to come. From service workers to heavy industry;
from the traditional union strongholds in the North to the powder keg of
unorganized labor in the South; waves of strikes, mass picket lines,
and the unionization of millions of unorganized workers is on the agenda
in the years ahead.

International events and the overall economic situation will play a
role as well. We need look no further than the experience of the crisis
and the fight back of the workers and youth in Greece
for a peek into our own future. Although the details may differ from
one country and even from one city or region to another, the fundamental
processes are essentially the same everywhere.

The contradictions of the system cannot be resolved through mere
reforms. The only way the capitalists can get out of the crisis is by
further driving down the conditions of life of the working class and the
poor. Even then, a recovery is not at all guaranteed. Another, perhaps
even deeper economic crisis
is not at all ruled out in the next period. The effect this would have
on workers’ confidence in the system can easily be imagined, though that
too will not be a mechanical, linear process. But every action has an
equal and opposite reaction. There are only so many blows the workers
can take before they decide that something fundamental has to change and
they begin to take things into their own hands.

So the next time someone asks you what the #occupy movement is all
about, tell them that deep down, they probably already know the answer.
Like all movements, the #occupy movement and its offshoots will have its
ups and downs, its ebbs and flows, its advances and retreats. But one
thing is sure. The floods of the class struggle are beginning to
overflow the channels so carefully constructed by defenders of
capitalism. In time, this will be transformed into a raging torrent of
discontent with the potential to sweep capitalism aside once and for
all. This is the perspective the Marxists are preparing for politically
and organizationally. We invite you to join us!

Source: Socialist Appeal (USA)