On July 5, 2006, hundreds of workers and students took part
in a demonstration in the capital of El Salvador against price increases in
public transport and electricity. Rank and file members of the left-wing FMLN,
youth organisations, informal commerce workers, etc all participated.
The response of the government was no different from other
occasions. The anti-riot police unit (UMO) opened fire on the protestors with
rubber bullets and tear gas. This provoked the disbanding of the demonstration
in a disorganised way as it was passing in front of the University buildings.
Taking advantage of the confusion an ultra-left element shot
at the UMO. His action was captured on video and has been proven, but does not
explain all that happened during the demonstration. The most widely spread
version is that the person who shot at the police from within the demonstration
(Mario Belloso), was responsible for the death of the two police officers. This
version, apparently believable, is not complete. One of the shots that one of
the police received did not come from the position where Belloso was, which
indicates that other people were shooting at the police. These shots did not
come from within the demonstration that was being disbanded, as was also proven
by video and photographic evidence. Witnesses on the scene saw sharp shooters
positioned on the rooftops of buildings next the university. The position of
these sharpshooters corresponds with the trajectory of the bullets that hit the
police officers that were killed. One of them was shot in the head and the
other also received lethal wounds, while the other five police officers
received non-lethal wounds.
Even more strange are the statements of a high commanding
officer of the police, Avila, who according to reports in the press in El
Salvador, said that the demonstrators carried long range and short range guns,
but that "we could never imagine that they would carry rifles", and that they
did know through "unspecified sources" that armed ultra-left elements were
present at the demonstration, but still they took the initiative to disband the
demonstration with rubber bullets. This is obviously absurd. But what even more
clearly points to a provocation in this case is the following statement of the
same Avila, who assured the media that despite the fact that they had seen Mario
Belloso take refuge at the university, they decided not to pursue him in order
to "respect University autonomy"!! In a country where the daily body count is
higher than in Iraq, where the police do not care about violating any rights
whatsoever and with a repressive and degenerate right-wing government like that
of ARENA, it now seems that the police are scrupulous in the defence of
University autonomy.
All of this shows that the regime used an ultra-left element
as a smokescreen to provide them with the necessary justification for the
passing of the Anti-Terrorist Law, days after the demonstration. The only
result of all this was the criminalisation of the struggles of workers,
peasants, students and the people of El Salvador in general.
Nearly a year under the Anti-Terrorist Law
On September 21, 2006, the anti-terrorist law was passed
with the support of all ruling class parties and a weak resistance on the part
of the FMLN. The FMLN did not have a parliamentary majority but did not
organise a serious campaign in the streets to stop it. This law criminalises
mural painting, street protests, street and road blockades, curtails the rights
of organisation and reunion. The ruling class started to prepare for the
inevitable struggles that are going to take place in the next period, which
will have not only a parliamentary expression but will also express through
mass mobilisations, general strikes and factory and land take-overs. The ruling
class in El Salvador is preparing for the increase in class struggle that we
have already witnessed in the rest of Latin America.
Despite the passing of this law and the increased harassment
and repression against youth and working class organisations, the government is
increasingly unpopular. Today, the overwhelming majority of the population of
El Salvador looks forward to the victory of the FMLN in the forthcoming
elections of 2008. The ruling class is increasingly desperate, faced with a
worsening economic situation and the increased resistance of the population
against the attacks of the Antonio Saca government.
They can feel the Latin American revolution breathing down
their neck. The victory of the Sandinistas in Nicaragua and the Oaxaca commune
in 2006 have been a source of inspiration for millions of workers who are eager
to settle accounts with ARENA and the ruling class in general.
The Mario Belloso
videos
Mario Belloso has made a come back into the public scene
with a high profile arrest and with a video statement which is alleged to be
more than 8 hours long, from which so far only a few minutes have been
released. In these fragments, which we could call the Adventures of Mario
Pinocchio, he involves in his actions all the main leading figures of the FMLN,
confesses to flights to Cuba and Venezuela, weapons caches and other fairy
tales, all of this with the alleged aim of killing two UMO officers. The moral
of the story is aimed at the FMLN leaders: "Do not use the only weapon that you
have in order to win the election": mass mobilisations to struggle for better
conditions and to prevent the likely electoral fraud.
The main reason why ARENA has used Mario Belloso and his
fairy tales is as a warning to the FMLN leaders. They are telling them to
distance themselves from "radical elements". They are not referring to the
ultra-left elements, but above all, they are demanding that they distance
themselves from the aspirations of the working class and their methods of
struggle. The ruling class want the FMLN leaders to renege on its social base
of support. Their methods will include false trials, and bought witnesses who
will even swear that pigs can fly if need be, like Mario Belloso.
It is interesting to note that the ruling class has enmeshed
itself in this web of falsifications, instead of trying the tried and tested
methods of the right wing of El Salvador by which, when there are two parties
in dispute they eliminate both and problem solved. Now they are forced to
resort to judges, tribunals, videos and investigations, which is a sign of
weakness on their part and of fear of the response of the youth and workers’
movement.
The ruling class is divided over how much they can tighten
the noose. It is not by chance that Belloso’s public statement has been delayed
several times, they are not sure what effect open repression on the FMLN
leaders will have. This is why they have concentrated their fire on other
organisations on the periphery of the FMLN. In particular, they have attacked
the Peoples’ Youth Block (BPJ) by trying to involve them in the killings of the
police officers, precisely because they know that this is a dangerous
organisation, as it has the sympathy and support of thousands of FMLN members,
because of its policies of firm defence of the interests of Salvadorean workers
and youth.
So that the case does not go cold, they have now arrested
another scapegoat, Edwin René Sánchez Canjura, 44, who was captured on July 11,
accused of being a direct accomplice of Belloso. There is not much information
about this case, but it seems clear that the ruling class is vacillating, as
they have not yet dared accuse openly FMLN leaders.
Faced with this situation the workers movement should not be
on the defensive. A national and international campaign in defence of the
democratic freedoms of assembly, expression, reunion and demonstration should
be organised from all layers of the FMLN. This is the only way in which the workers
can defend the democratic rights they have won, linking the struggle for
democratic rights with the economic demands of the working class. The FMLN,
rather than giving in to the pressure of the ruling class and distancing
themselves from the more radical elements in its ranks, should put itself at
the head of the struggle of the workers, students, poor peasants, using the
traditional methods of struggle of the working class, mass mobilisations and
the general strike, this is the best way to cut across the temptation on the
part of the youth to use crazy ultra-left methods which only serve to
strengthen reaction.
No attacks on working class organisations!
Down with the Anti-Terrorist Law!
Freedom political prisoners!
Defend and demand democratic rights through general strike!
No to individual terrorism, for the organisation of the
working class in the FMLN, trade unions and revolutionary organisations to put
power in the hands of the oppressed majority!
For a policy based on workers’ democracy and socialism in
the FMLN
See also:
International solidarity with the BJP – Rally at the embassy of El Salvador in Mexico (July 16, 2007)
Manifesto of the Marxist Tendency Militante against repression in El Salvador (July 16, 2007)
Urgent action needed to defend BPJ youth in El Salvador (February 14, 2007)
New attack in El Salvador: Against repression sign here! (February 14, 2007)
El Salvador student leaders released (February 7, 2007)
Ten students arrested in El Salvador after march against anti-terrorist law (February 1, 2007)
