Chavez re-nationalises SIDOR – historic victory for the workers

At 1.22am Venezuelan time on Wednesday, April 9th, Venezuelan
vice-president Ramon Carrizales announced the decision of president Chávez to
renationalise the giant steel plant SIDOR located in the southern state of
Bolivar. The decision was taken as the Argentinean-Italian multinational group
Techint (the majority shareholder of SIDOR) refused to make concessions to the
workers in the collective bargaining agreement.

National Guard repression

The workers of SIDOR have been struggling for more than 15
months fighting for improvements in wages, conditions and health and safety in
the collective bargaining agreement. The main points of contention were: 1)
wage increase, where the company offered very little and wanted to spread any
increase over a 30-month period; 2) the question of subcontracting, where the
workers were demanding that all subcontracted workers (9,000 out of a total
workforce of 15,000) should be incorporated into the main workforce, and 3)
that there should be a substantial increase in the pensions of retired workers
who were receiving less than the minimum wage.

SIDOR was privatised in 1997 under the government of
Caldera, when the former guerrilla Teodoro Petkoff (now a prominent opposition
leader) was in charge of privatisations. SIDOR is now owned by
Argentinean-Italian multinational Techint which has made multi-million profits
on the back of massive overexploitation of the workers which has resulted in a
marked increase in deaths and accidents at work. José "Acarigua" Rodriguez,
leader of the workers’ union SUTISS, described the ten years of privatisation
as years of "humiliation and ill treatment on the part of the multinational,
which has outraged the workers and the country" and blamed Techint for the 18
workers who have died in the plant in accidents.

Wounded workers

When Chavez made a call to "nationalise all that was
privatised", in January 2007, the workers responded with spontaneous walkouts
and by raising the Venezuelan flag over the SIDOR installations. They were
demanding the nationalisation of SIDOR. Finally, after many negotiations and
pressure from the Argentinean government of Kirchner an agreement was reached
between Techint and the Venezuelan government. The company was to sell to the
national market at preferential prices and in exchange there was not going to
be any nationalisation. But this was an agreement that could not last.
Throughout the 15 months of the collective bargaining negotiations the company
has maintained a provocative attitude. Finally, the workers’ patience run out
and they started a series of stoppages in January, February and March.

What was the response of the Ministry of Labour? First of
all they tried to impose binding arbitration on the workers. Then the National
Guard was sent to brutally repress the workers on March 14^th during
an 80-hour strike. Several workers were arrested, including union leader
Acarigua, and many were injured during the attack. The National Guard acted in
a particularly vicious manner, damaging the workers’ cars and other property.
The workers, the masses and the whole region responded with a clear class
instinct, organizing solidarity meetings and pickets, threatening strikes in
other plants, etc.

This incident was the most serious clash between workers and
the National Guard during the Chávez government, even worse than when the
Aragua police blocked Sanitarios Maracay workers from attending a Freteco
demonstration in Caracas.
The workers denounced the fact that the local commander of the National Guard
was in close contact with the company management and basically was acting on
their orders. Here we see one of the most important challenges facing the
Venezuelan revolution. The old state apparatus, created and perfected over 200
hundred years to serve the interests of the ruling class, although weakened by
the revolution, is still basically intact, and it is still attempting to serve
the same interests.

As a Bolivarian MP for Guyana said: "I consider these
abuses to be a long way from the revolutionary principles promoted by the
President of the Republic." El Zabayar, who came out publicly for the
nationalisation of SIDOR further explained that, "There are sectors within
the state that play at wearing down the government, using governmental
authorities to assume a pro-bosses attitude". This is precisely the
problem: the state apparatus remains largely the same, and a capitalist state
cannot be used to carry out a socialist revolution.

Even after this brutal repression, the Ministry of Labour
(which also played a dreadful role in the Sanitarios Maracay struggle),
insisted on calling a referendum of the workers to make them accept the
company’s proposal. José Melendez, another leader of SUTISS, harshly criticised
the role of the Ministry: "They accuse us of being troublemakers for rejecting
their ballot. More than once we have shown our support for the revolution, but
this does not mean we are going to allow the Minister of Labour to follow a
counter-revolutionary and anti-worker policy, which, at the end of the day,
only benefits the right wing." And he added: "The Minister says that we are
against the process that we are counter-revolutionary, but the truth is that
the one who is damaging president Chávez’s reputation is the Minister, the one
who is acting in favour of the right wing is the Minister, by acting as a
spokesperson for the company".

The workers remained united and correctly opposed this
ballot and called their own on April 3rd, with two options: 1) to accept the
company’s offer, 2) to mandate the union to continue talks. The overwhelming
majority of the workers rejected SIDOR’s offer, with 3338 voting against and
only 65 in favour.

March to the Bolivarian University

Then, on April 4^th, the workers went on strike
again and marched to the Bolivarian
University in Bolivar,
where president Chávez was attending a graduation ceremony and demanded to be
heard. As a result of this pressure, president Chávez intervened in a live TV
programme on April 6^th, to take a position (full video here).
Among other things he recalled that the SIDOR workers and others from the basic
industries in Guyana
opposed the bosses’ lock-out in 2002, "even when they received death threats,
and even when they cut off gas supplies from Anaco, they marched to Anaco and
clashed with the police". He added that the conditions of the workers were "horrible"
and that the "revolutionary government has to demand from any company, national
or multinational, Latin American, Russian or from any part of the world, to
abide by Venezuelan laws", referring to the law passed on May Day last year
which outlaws subcontracting. He also announced that he had instructed the
Vice-president Ramon Carrizales to meet with SUTISS leader Acarigua and then
with the company to try to settle the issue.

He added that his government was one which, "respected
Marxism, Marxist tendencies and the Marxist method" and that it was a
"pro-workers’ government" which "would know how to take the necessary
measures". He explained that he always tries to "look for agreement,
negotiation and so on, but in relation to SIDOR, as of yesterday, I said enough
is enough". Chávez also added that his intervention was the result of the
workers going to the graduation meeting in Bolivar and getting the information
directly to him. He added that he had had harsh words with the regional
governor over the repression of the National Guard against the workers, and
that he had also talked to the commander of the National Guard to remind him of
"old instructions to take care of the workers".

This intervention by Chávez through the vice-president was
in fact a slap in the face to the regional governor and above all to the
Minister of Labour Rivero. Their authority was superseded and the government
sided clearly with the workers. The company, which until that moment had said
that they would not talk to the workers again, agreed to a new meeting.

A three party meeting between the company, the union and the
vice-president took place on Tuesday 8^th, in which the company made
minor concessions. Just after midnight, the vice-president Carrizales, who had
said that the meeting could not end without an agreement, asked the company one
last time if they were not prepared to make a counter-offer to the union’s
final offer on wages, and when the company refused he asked this to be recorded
in the minutes. He then stepped out, called president Chávez and came back to
the meeting to announce the re-nationalisation of SIDOR.

Thousands of workers immediately started to celebrate a
victory that they did not even believe was possible. In fact the leadership of
the union had declared a few hours before that after signing the collective
bargaining agreement they would then continue the campaign for the
nationalisation of SIDOR.

This is yet another turning point in the Venezuelan
revolution and a clear indication of the direction it should take. This is not
a small bankrupt company that has been taken into public ownership, but the
country’s only supplier of steel and Latin America’s
fourth largest producer. This decision is likely to provoke a backlash on the
part of the multinational and also on the part of the Argentinean government
which in the past has put a lot of pressure on Chávez in defence of Techint.
The Venezuelan revolution and its supporters abroad, particularly in Argentina, must
be ready to withstand this pressure and launch a campaign in defence of this
nationalisation. The workers of SIDOR should take immediate steps to implement
workers’ control in order to prevent the company from engaging in any kind of
sabotage, seize the installations, control the stocks and above all they should
proceed to open the account books of the company.

The issue of compensation will now arise. The company will
probably demand an outrageous sum of money. The best way to settle this is
precisely by opening the accounts of the company. If you calculate the amount
that was originally paid by the multinational (very little), the investment
they have made in the plant (very little), and then you deduct the profits they
have made in the last 10 years (a lot), you will easily reach the conclusion
that they are not actually entitled to any compensation at all.

More importantly, this nationalisation comes mainly as a
result of the pressure of the workers in struggle, who were also encouraged by
Chávez’s recent announcement of the nationalisation of the whole of cement
production in the country. This is a mobilised and aroused workforce which will
now demand workers’ control. In previous nationalisations, including the recent
one of a dairy plant, Chávez has insisted that the workers must set up "Workers’
Councils" or "Socialist Councils". These must be used by the workers and the
union SUTISS to exercise workers’ control and management. As Venezuelan workers
know only too well, nationalisation in itself does not guarantee the interests
of the workers and the Venezuelan people. After all, PDVSA was for more than 25
years a state-owned company and a massive bureaucracy developed which responded
to the interests of the oligarchy and the oil multinationals.

Bolivar is one of the most important concentrations of the
industrial working class in Venezuela,
a decisive factor in the revolution. The victory of the SIDOR workers will also
encourage workers in other basic industries in the region to go forward and
struggle for democratic workers’ control.

The re-nationalisation of SIDOR is another step forward in
the right direction. In the last few months, the oligarchy has stepped up its
campaign of sabotage of the economy, particularly the food distribution sector.
At the same time imperialism has increased its provocations, threatening to put
Venezuela
on the list of countries that "harbour terrorism". It is now time to take
decisive steps forward by nationalising the fundamental levers of the economy
under the democratic control of the workers and finally completing the
revolution.