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Russian Revolution
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March 8th is International Working
Women's Day – originally instituted not as a day to celebrate, but as a day for
militancy and action. Now many liberal institutions and feminist organizations
recognize International Women's Day, but few acknowledge its roots or its
historical significance. They have in fact attempted to remove the class
content of this day of struggle.
Alan
Woods was recently interviewed by the Argentine magazine Sudesta on the aftermath of the Russian Revolution. He deals with
the gradual political degeneration of the Revolution and its usurpation by the
Stalinist bureaucracy, discussing the political issues raised in the course of
the struggle. Unease at the rise of bureaucratic rule was signalled by Lenin in
his last years and by Trotsky. As Alan says, “In 1923 Trotsky launched the
Platform of the Opposition, based on a defence of the Leninist principles of
workers' democracy and proletarian internationalism. He began a struggle
against bureaucratic tendencies in the state and Party. This was the beginning
of the Left Opposition in the Soviet Union and internationally. The struggle
between the Left Opposition and the Stalin faction was at bottom a class
struggle, which reflected the contradictory interests between the working class
and the rising bureaucracy.”
Today is the 91st anniversary of the October Revolution, quite possibly the greatest moment in human history. For the first time the working class took control of both the state machinery and the means of production. In one bold move the old feudalistic mode of production was swept aside and the bourgeoisie, too weak to take control or play a productive role, were defeated also. Rob Sewell of the International Marxist Tendency spoke to the ULU Marxist Society last night on this historic event, the role played by the Bolsheviks, and the implications it has for socialists today.
On October 1, Boris Yefimov, Stalin’s loyal cartoonist, died. In his
works he followed all the twists and turns of the Stalinist regime. He
was particularly vicious in his portrayal of oppositionists and the
Trotskyists in particular.
The initial
trigger for the writing of this document was the Sino-Soviet split, its
importance for the world Communist movement at the time, and its significance
for the forces of genuine Marxism, the Trotskyists. In the first place Ted
declares that the split confirms Trotsky’s brilliant prediction, “That the
theory of ‘socialism in one country’ would lead inevitably to the degeneration
on nationalist lines of the parties of the Communist International.”
"Petrograd is in an unprecedented catastrophic condition. There is
no bread. The population is given the remaining potato flour and
crusts. The Red Capital is on the verge of perishing from famine,"
stated Lenin. "The political situation has become extremely critical
owing to both external and internal causes." This view of Lenin's summed up the horrendous plight of the
Russian Revolution in May 1918, some six months after the successful
Bolshevik insurrection and the introduction of Soviet rule. The
"external and internal causes" which threatened the Revolution were the
aggressive actions of the imperialist powers, foreign blockade, the
organisation of internal counter-revolution, and the economic sabotage
of the landlords and capitalists.
Lenin is probably the most slandered individual of the 20th century. As
leader of the Russian Revolution of 1917, he has been attacked by
bourgeois academics, Tory, Labour and Liberal politicians as well as
Establishment figures internationally. His ideas have been distorted
and twisted. His actions have been vilified. So what did Lenin
really stand for? And are his ideas still relevant today? 
"The October revolution laid the foundation of a new
culture, taking everybody into consideration, and for that very reason
immediately acquiring international significance. Even supposing for a
moment that owing to unfavourable circumstances and hostile blows the
Soviet regime should be temporarily overthrown, the inexpungable
imprint of the October revolution would nevertheless remain upon the
whole future development of mankind." 
Just before the collapse of the Berlin Wall and later the Soviet Union,
Ted Grant delivered this speech on the crisis in the USSR. To deflect
any blame, Gorbachev and co. heaped blame on Stalin and Brezhnev, even
going so far as to rehabilitate some of the victims of the purge trials
- including those accused of "Trotskyism". But Trotsky was not
rehabilitated: he was still hated by the bureaucracy because they
feared the ideas he represented.
Leon Trotsky's murder was no accident or spontaneous action by the dictator Stalin, but
a monstrous preconceived act that was the culmination of a murder campaign against
the whole of the old Bolshevik leadership of the revolution and those who stood
by the genuine ideas of Marxism. We republish this article published in Militant in 1985.
This instalment, in a series of articles published by Socialist Appeal over the year that marks the 90th anniversary of the Russian Revolution, looks at the tumultuous events of the July days in Petrograd. What attitude Lenin and Trotsky took towards the movement of the workers in the capital is a valuable lesson in the tactical flexibility of the Bolsheviks. The impotence of the Kornilov reaction that followed demonstrates the irresistable power the working class wields when it is united.
This is the second part of the recording made at the 
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