Strathclyde students occupied their university’s finance office on February 4th after a demonstration of approximately eighty students gave a set of demands to the principal. This came in spite of facing hostility form university security, who physically barred and attacked students in order to prevent them from entering the space.  The occupiers were quickly reinforced by a protest rally outside, that included students from Glasgow University and other activists.  There was also support from lecturers organised in the union UCU at Strathclyde.

As the occupation developed it became clear that it had widespread support on campus, with a protest rally the next day seeing approximately fifty students and staff in attendance.  The rally was addressed by students from the occupation and representatives from the UCU amongst others.  After the rally those in attendance were welcomed into the occupation, strengthening the resolve of the occupiers and forcing concessions from management in negotiations that followed. As a result of these negotiations the occupation ended on a high with the occupiers declaring an initial victory and vowing to go on with further action.

The Glasgow University occupation proved to be a somewhat more gruelling experience for those involved, as it spanned over three days, and faced a far harsher management regime.  Glasgow students entered their occupation on February 9th following a dismissive and patronising response to demands that they had submitted to the principal of the university four days previously.  Students occupied the top floor of the computer science building on the grounds that its construction had been financed by BAE systems. This is a weapons company which by its own admission has a “special relationship” with Glasgow University, and has also been complicit in building the arsenals which the Israeli state has used in its barbarous assault on Gaza.

Throughout the occupation management treated the occupiers with contempt. This went to the length of telling lies, including at one point offering the occupiers the opportunity to send two of their number outside to get food with a guarantee they could re-enter - only for them to find themselves barred from the occupation when they tried to do so. Glasgow’s principal Sir Muir Russell, the infamous architect of the poll tax, earns over half a million pounds a year yet obviously this trifling sum is not enough for him to maintain accountability. Throughout the occupation he refused to address the occupiers, and it was only well into the second day of the occupation that any form of effective negotiation was offered. Unlike at Strathclyde the occupiers at Glasgow were refused freedom of access to the building in what was effectively an attempt to force an end to the occupation. The occupation was not broken however and only ended on its third day following negotiations with management.

The occupants also faced a fifth column in the form of so-called ‘counter protestors’ who engaged in an ineffective but noisy campaign of slander. Using the internet and through the spreading of rumours and putting up posters this minority group of right wing students accused the occupants of being racist, anti-semitic and violent, none of which is true.  They were sponsored by certain elements of management staff,  one of whom fed them rumours that the occupiers had shouted “Jews out of Europe” from their megaphones. Ultimately the ‘counter protestors’ proved to be little more than an annoyance. However the fact that university security allowed them to stand with signs reading ‘It’s all the Jews’ fault’ whilst standing beside those supporting the occupation outside; clearly an attempt at goading them into a fight, makes clear that, contrary to the university’s claims, they are not politically neutral.

It was the support of the student body that maintained pressure on the university management. The occupation was built around by supporters on the campus that included students from Glasgow and Strathclyde. Days two and three of the occupation saw rallies of sixty and seventy students that were again addressed by UCU members, local councillors and students from Glasgow and the Strathclyde occupation.  The occupiers’ morale was bolstered considerably by the support their actions were given by Glasgow Council care support staff, who have been on strike since early November. The workers came to the university and made it clear they supported the actions in solidarity with the oppressed Palestinian masses. Both of the occupations also received international support. Strathclyde received an endorsement from an Indian academic, who made a phone call to the students to wish them success, whilst at Glasgow an e-mail of solidarity was received from the Islamic University of Gaza thanking the students for their action.

The occupations proved the clichéd maxim that those who dare to fight dare to win. At Strathclyde the occupation led to the cancelling of the university’s contract with the water company Eden Springs who illegally distil water from the occupied Golan Heights, the publicising of the DEC Gaza Crisis Emergency Appeal which the BBC still refuses to show, scholarships initially for one to three Palestinian students, re-established links with the University of Gaza and the denial of any links with BAE aside from one £5,000 scholarship - although this is now being looked into by the occupiers. At Glasgow the students also won the establishment of links with the University of Gaza through the University looking to send it material aid, the beginnings of a scholarship scheme for Palestinian students, the highlighting of the DEC appeal - all lecturers are to be asked to show it - and an agreement to have a full information enquiry into the University’s assets and their connections with arms companies.

Glasgow’s demands also included the complete boycott of Israeli companies and academics that have not completely disassociated themselves from the aggressive actions of the Israeli military. Such action’s political usefulness is debatable and would appear not to analyse the conflict along class lines, effectively seeing all Israelis as one national bloc. The danger of pursuing such a policy is to make this a reality by refusing to appeal to the Israeli working class.

The occupation was just the beginning of the struggles against the links between the universities and arms companies. That our universities are placed of public learning and should not be centres for the military benefit of imperialism was a sentiment shared by all in the occupation. This also raised wider questions of the need for proper public funding for education and an end to the involvement of private companies in education. Both campuses have been politically polarised as a result of the occupations. At the current time Glasgow University faces losing its health services and the care workers remain on strike whilst Glasgow City Council is threatening to shut down thirteen primary schools and facing resistance as a result. These occupations were part of the emergence of a far larger political struggle that is seeing the traditions of Red Clydeside come to the fore once again.